Sep
5

Palin’s special interest in special interests

Gov Sarah Palin has claimed she is a reformer, maverick, independent pit bill, not afraid to take on special interests when it is in the interest of her constituents to do so.
She’s also not afraid to ignore the advice of experts when it runs counter to her ideological position.
Case in point – the Certificate of Need program in Alaska. CoN programs are in place to prevent the building of duplicative/redundant health care facilities. The theory (supported by most research) is that the more facilities there are, the more costs will increase, with no appreciable increase in health care quality. Therefore, limiting the number of MRI machines and ambulatory surgical centers reduces costs.
As I noted earlier this week, Palin has been trying to kill Alaska’s CoN program, claiming it will introduce more competition into the health care market, competition that will drive down costs and increase quality.
But that doesn’t happen. The more facilities there are, the more costs increase – and quality decreases.
When Palin convened an expert panel to review Alaska’s CoN program, they (surprise) advocated keeping it in place. The Governor didn’t like that answer. Palin ignored the advice of the experts and proposed legislation to kill the program.
Palin’s approach to health care is, to be kind, simplistic. According to the Washington Post, “It didn’t matter what you asked her about health care,” said Tony Knowles, the Democratic governor who lost to Palin in 2006. “Getting rid of certificates of need was her only answer.”
Why?
Here’s more from the WaPo piece.
“Palin was part practical politician, accepting more than $34,000 from medical groups that were trying to spur competition, [emphasis added] according to an analysis by the nonpartisan Campaign Money Watch. She also worked closely with Paul Fuhs, an Anchorage lobbyist who was helping imaging firms battle hospitals over control of a lucrative trade. And while supporters and opponents credited her with reaching out to all sides, they also said she was a fierce idealist, taking a philosophical position and not giving ground.”
What’s the net?
Another politician making decisions based on ideology and special interests, not on facts, data, and logic – decisions that will increase costs and reduce health care quality.


Sep
5

Gustav and workers comp

There’s an obvious connection between hurricanes and work comp – people get hurt while working, injuries that are covered by workers compensation. But there’s a less visible, but nonetheless significant link between big weather events and comp.
Capital is mobile; it moves quickly, shifting to find the best opportunity with the least risk. Right now, it’s a safe bet that investors are looking for better returns to offset their fears about increased risks from what looks to be a pretty active hurricane season. And that desire for better returns may well mean an increase in reinsurance, as well as primary insurance, rates.
The work comp market has been flat recently, with claims costs edging up slightly, premium rates declining in many states, and frequency dropping yet again. Employers have seen work comp costs decline in Alabama, Kentucky, Tennessee, Florida, California, Pennsylvania and New York, not to mention many other states. The National Academy of Social Insurance reports that nationally, claim costs actually dropped in 2006, due primarily to the dramatic reductions in California.
That was 2006. As I’ve reported previously, there are clear indications that medical costs are on the way up again, led by increasing hospital expenses. WorkComp Central reported (sub req) today that NCCI is warning about medical cost inflation in Alabama, where medical now accounts for almost three-quarters of total claim costs.
The combination of higher medical expenses and a (potentially) tighter market for reinsurance may well make for higher costs in 2009. And even if the hurricanes blow themselves all out to sea, the soft market can’t go on much longer. Really.
Gustav’s weakening and change in direction resulted in damage that at least at this point looks to be significantly less than expected. By way of comparison, predictions are that the bill for Gustav will be about an eighth of that for Katrina’s.
What does this mean for you?
The work comp industry dodged a bullet – but more are on the way.


Sep
4

Palin’s health care record

The folks over at Think Progress have compiled a brief summation of Alaska Gov Sarah Palin’s record on health care. There’s not much there, given her short tenure as governor.
What’s the net?
Alaska is a state with healthy people, very expensive health care, comparatively poor care for children and little in the way of a safety net for those kids. To date the governor’s answer has been to eliminate the CoN program and build a government bureaucracy to promote more transparency
Perhaps her most significant initiative is Palin’s effort to overturn the state’s Certificate of Need program – the details are here.
Palin has also called for passage of a bill authorizing a new state agency to promote transparency in health care. “The bill would establish an Alaska health care information office to give consumers factual information on quality, cost and other important matters to help them make better-informed decisions about health care in the state.”
Interesting that a staunch conservative would seek to increase the size of government to address a problem that private insurers are already working on.
The governor did sign a bill that slightly increased the amount of income an Alaskan could earn (from 150% of the poverty level to 175%) and still qualify for the SCHIP program. Still, Alaska’s criteria are among the lowest in the country; in comparison most states allow income well above 200% of the poverty level.
Of course, Palin’s health care record has to be viewed in context – which in this case is Alaska-specific. The most recent data from the Commonwealth Fund indicates health care quality in the state is ranked near the bottom, while access is also poor (36th), in general Alaskans lead healthy lives.
From a cost perspective, Alaska consistently ranks as one of the most expensive states for health care in the nation. For kids, the state was ranked in the bottom quartile by the Commonwealth Foundation.


Sep
3

Hank’s HWR is up

Friend and colleague Hank Stern’s latest edition of Health Wonk Review is up, fresh and ready for viewing.
Thanks Hank!


Sep
2

Gov. Sarah Palin on health care

Colleague Bob Laszewski has ferreted out a couple of health care-related items from Sarah Palin’s brief tenure as Governor of Alaska. One is her push to eliminate Certificate of Need requirements for building health care facilities, the other calls for more transparency via government intervention; “Alaska Health Care Transparency Act to provide consumers with information on quality and cost which would be provided by a new government-run health care information office.”
Today we’ll focus on Palin’s efforts to overturn the Alaska CON process.
The short take? She has no clue what she’s talking about.
According to Palin, “The Certificate of Need is being used by lobbyists and health-care organizations to limit competition — through appeal of other’s certificate awards or by filing suit against the state for those awards…[eliminating the CON process] will not only reduce the cost of health care, it will also improve the access to health care, allow more competition and improve quality of care for patients.”
Palin referenced a recent paper authored by the Federal Trade Commission as support for her position; I’d note that the document was written during the present administration, one that has not been noted for an even-handed approach to science, analysis, and research. In fact, the FTC report clearly states its intent to encourage movement to a ‘consumer driven’ health care system that relies on market forces to determine costs access and quality. (for a thorough critique of the FTC paper, click here.)
In addition to the FTC report cited by Palin, another study from twenty years ago (based on 1983 and 1984 data) concludes that there is :”no evidence that CON programs have led to the resource savings they were designed to promote, but rather indicates that reliance on CON review may raise hospital costs.”
The study goes on to say that were states to significantly relax their regulatory thresholds, “total hospital costs would not increase, but rather would decline by 1.4 percent.”
Turns out that the FTC (then and now) may have missed something – a 1998 Duke University study found “Mature CON programs are associated with a modest (5 percent) long-term reduction in acute care spending per capita, [emphasis added] but not with a significant reduction in total per capita spending.” And this is supported by more recent research, which clearly indicates the supply of health care facilities drives demand, not the other way ’round.
Ohio eliminated their CON program in 1995. Over the next four years, there were 19 new hospitals built, a five-fold increase in the number of freestanding MRIs, and the number of ambulatory surgical centers grew by 600%. These weren’t being built to reduce costs.
Wait, there’s more. The big three automakers all compared costs in CON v non-CON states, and found that states with substantial CON programs had significantly lower health care costs. In fact, when considering locating plants and facilities, the big three consider CON “as a positive factor“. Chrysler found that their per-employee health care costs were substantially lower in CON states than in non-CON jurisdictions, with costs as much as 164% lower in CON states. GM found its health care costs were nearly a third less in CON states in a similar analysis. Their report states “”Some argue that deregulating health facility expansion will trigger free-market forces of supply and demand, and lead to lower costs. On the contrary, General Motors has not found that to be true based on our vast experience in states that have varying degrees of CON regulation.”
And an analysis by Ford found that inpatient and outpatient hospital costs were 20% lower in CON states.
Specific procedure prices were also lower in CON states, refuting Palin’s contention that freeing up the market to more competition will reduce costs. MRIs were at least 11% more expensive, and CABG operations were at least 20% more expensive. Ambulatory surgery center charges were also 25% lower.
Quality is also higher in CON states.
A study published in JAMA found that the quality of outcomes in coronary artery bypass surgery was directly linked to the CON process. Those who had CABG in non-CON states were significantly more likely to die (5.1% chance v 4.4% in CON states) due primarily to the higher volume per facility in CON states. Notably, in states that repealed CON laws, the percentage of patients undergoing CABG in low-volume hospitals tripled.
The CON legislation Palin supported has yet to be approved by Alaska’s legislature, and continues to face strong opposition from within the state.
Here’s the net. Palin’s doctrinaire position on health care is in lock-step with the GOP – it relies on an unfounded and unsupported faith in the free market’s ability to somehow reduce health care costs and increase quality, despite all evidence that there is no such linkage.
What does this mean for you?
As John Wennberg and others have demonstrated conclusively, the more supply there is, the higher costs are. Health care is not like other economic goods, no matter how much Palin et al may want it to be. If you are looking for solutions you’ll not get any examining Palin’s record on health care.
For a thorough summary of the current CoN picture across the country, click here.


Aug
28

The health insurance ‘market’ isn’t working

Slowly, inexorably, inevitably, the government is becoming the nation’s health insurer.
The latest report from the US Census Bureau indicates the number of Americans without health insurance dropped from 2006 (15.8 percent) to 2007 (15.3 percent) – good news, especially for those who finally got coverage. The source of the expanded coverage – government programs, especially for kids. Almost half of the 1.3 million folks who found coverage in 2007 were children; 600,000 more kids were covered in 2007 than the previous year, largely due to expanded efforts to enroll them in the SCHIP programs.
And another 400,000+ were from a single state – Massachusetts, that adopted a controversial plan to expand coverage.
But that’s just the tip of the iceberg. The real story is the expanded role of governmental programs, primarily Medicaid. The percentage of Americans covered by governmental programs increased from 27 percent in 2006 to 27.8 percent in 2007; while the Medicare population grew (we are getting older…), Medicaid alone added 1.3 million lives.
Employment-based health insurance continues to erode (59.7 percent of Americans covered through work in 2006, 59.3% in 2007), as employers seek to reduce costs they slash jobs, drop health insurance, reduce benefits, and increase employee contributions. Employment continues to decline, with expectations that it will hit 6.0% later this year.
The number of folks who lost coverage over the last seven years now stands at 5.9 million. And those with coverage have seen the ‘quality’ of that coverage decline – deductibles/coinsurance/copays have increased dramatically while limits on coverage have expanded. Couple that with the lack of coverage available for individuals with pre-existing conditions (only 5 states offer guarantee issue on all products – Maine, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York and Vermont) and the full scope of the insurance crisis starts to become apparent.
Many employers can’t afford to provide insurance and many families can’t afford individual plans or can only get coverage for conditions they don’t already have (try getting full coverage if you’re on lipitor, paxil, or insulin…) or with deductibles that require them to pay upwards of $5000 out of pocket.
What does this mean for you?
The market is not solving the problem of the uninsured. That’s why government, in its bumbling, stumbling, inefficient, messy way, is becoming the answer for more and more Americans.


Aug
27

Building a work comp network?

If you’re looking to build a workers comp network, you’ll want to focus on WC specialists – occ med docs, orthos, neuros, physiatrists, primary care docs, and a smattering of other specialties – along with ancillary care providers.
And you most definitely don’t want every Dr. Tom Dick and Mary – the ones that can’t spell ‘workers comp’ and think ‘return to work’ is what happens after lunch.
While including these docs in the network will make the directory nice and fat, they won’t know what to do if a claimant actually presents.
In fact, the fatter the directory, the further away you should stay. Growing evidence indicates there’s a lot of good reasons to limit the docs who treat workers comp claimants:

  • claimants feel more comfortable with docs who can actually explain how the comp system works; physicians tend to be trusted by their patients, and this trust can translate to lower litigation rates
  • docs who know disability management know that getting injured workers back to the job asap facilitates recovery
  • comp docs know they are only supposed to treat the comp injury, and although they have to factor in comorbidities, understand that the comp payer isn’t liable for all treatment

Another consistent problem in the comp network world is lousy data – directories are full of docs who no longer take patients, don’t take work comp patients, have moved, are dead, or can’t recall ever signing a network participation contract. (in this last instance, it is likely someone in their office did, at one time, but can’t remember doing so).
Expect to pay the docs you want a reasonable rate. “Reasonable” may be above or below the state fee schedule (in the 30+ states with fee schedules) or an RBRVS-based fee, or some discount based on published U&C data. Make sure, really sure, that the basis for reimbursement is clear, precise, and accurate. There have been an increasing number of lawsuits from providers alleging underpayment by work comp payers. This is a trend that by all indications is going to continue. Without a clear contractual definition of payment terms, networks open themselves, and their payer customers, to a much higher risk of litigation.
Which leads to the final recommendation – payers are getting a discount, or at least an agreed-upon reimbursement rate, and therefore must promise to do something to get that rate. In most cases, that ‘something’ is the promise by the network that it will work diligently to direct patients to the contracted provider. Again, make sure the contractual terms are clear – what will payers do to direct patients to providers, how will they push this ‘downstream’ to their policyholders, and how will this be verified.
Keep the data up to date, carefully select the docs who are in it, have fair and clearly defined reimbursement terms, and hold up your end of the bargain – send the providers more patients.


Aug
26

Debunk – ‘US infant mortality rates aren’t so bad’

They’re at it again.
The latest assault on logic and reasoned debate comes from a physician in California (no longer practicing) who claims:
“Low birth weight infants are not counted against the “live birth” statistics for many countries reporting low infant mortality rates.
According to the way statistics are calculated in Canada, Germany, and Austria, a premature baby weighing <500g is not considered a living child. But in the U.S., such very low birth weight babies are considered live births. The mortality rate of such babies -- considered "unsalvageable" outside of the U.S. and therefore never alive -- is extraordinarily high; up to 869 per 1,000 in the first month of life alone. This skews U.S. infant mortality statistics." This is a very sneaky way to push a political position.
The doctor, Linda Halderman, has apparently not done any independent research. Instead, she has merely rehashed a 2005 article authored by a ‘scientists’ employed by that noted bastion of scientific objectivity, the Discovery Institute (for those unfamiliar with these folks, their primary mission is to promote creationism/”intelligent design”, perhaps that’s why their science is so faulty)
For comparison purposes, infant mortality statistics should be calculated using the same definitions for all countries, with very few exceptions (specifically a couple former USSR satellites, the Czech Republic and Poland). It is possible that other countries ‘report’ their data differently, but for comparison purposes, a standard definition is used. Fortunately, infant mortality rates are reported using WHO standards, which do NOT include any reference to the length of the infant, duration of the pregnancy, but do define a ‘live birth’ as a baby born with any signs of life for any length of time. For a detailed explanation of WHO data definitions, click here, for a really long discussion of the issue, click here.
Perhaps the good doctor was so busy providing policy advice to the California (she claims she is no longer practicing medicine due to low Medicaid reimbursement) that she didn’t have time to do her research thoroughly. Either that or she’s attempting to intentionally mislead her readers.
Halderman takes a couple rhetorical shots at our friends to the North, shots which are easily refuted. She claims “When Canada briefly registered an increased number of low weight babies previously omitted from statistical reporting, the infant mortality rose from 6.1 per 1,000 to 6.4 per thousand in just one year. [Canada has been reporting births of babies <500 grams at least since 2001]." Canadians report their birth rates two ways; babies between 500 and 2500 grams, and babies <2500 grams. And the percentage difference between the two is negligible - 0.1% (5.8% including babies <500, 5.9% for all births) for 2001, 2002, and 2003.
Regardless of the measure you use, Canadian infant mortality figures look way better than the US’. And for comparison purposes, the WHO uses the same definition for Canadian and American births.
Halderman also says “Pregnancies in very young first-time mothers carry a high risk of delivering low birth weight infants. In 2002, the average age of first-time mothers in Canada was 27.7 years. During the same year, the same statistic for U.S. mothers was 25.1 — an all-time high.” The statement just sort of sits there, but I’m assuming she’s using this to somehow say that if you correct for the age of the mother, then we aren’t so bad.
Uh, not so fast. In fact, older Canadian women are at higher risk (9.3% higher, to be precise) of delivering low birth weight babies than their younger compatriots.
And Canadian women as a whole are at much lower risk than American women.
Before someone makes the ludicrous claim that Canadian women at high risk go to US hospitals, thereby increasing the US’ infant mortality rate and lowering Canada’s, know that Statistics Canada counts Canadian women giving birth in the US in their stats.
Halderman makes another incorrect statement – “In Switzerland and other parts of Europe, a baby born who is less than 30 centimeters long is not counted as a live birth. Therefore, unlike in the U.S., such high-risk infants cannot affect Swiss infant mortality rates.”
Wrong again, doc – for comparison purposes a standard definition is used.
This nonsense has been picked up by others in the right wing media machine (attempting to refute the liberal bias of the main stream media, no doubt). As of today, there were 1700 hits on a search for halderman infant mortality; a brief scan indicated a substantial portion were from bloggers rejoicing at the Halderman’s insights and using same to make them feel better about high US infant mortality rates.
What does this mean for you?
It is indeed distressing when a physician spews this nonsense. This is a textbook example of an ‘expert’ using an inaccurate conclusion based on faulty research to support a political position.
So much for the Hippocratic Oath, Dr. Halderman.


Aug
25

How much are we spending on orthopedic implants?

According to market research firm Supplier Relations LLC, the total US surgical appliance and device industry’s revenue for the year 2007 was “approximately $30.4 billion USD, with an estimated gross profit of 46.15%”.
Note that this total includes more than just implantable devices – sutures, surgical dressings, and prosthetics and other stuff are also counted towards the totals. Without buying the report for $600, you won’t know exactly how much is spent on which categories. But research indicates the orthopedic and surgical device share of the total has been quite significant – well above 50%.
The growth of the implant market has been marred by allegations of illegal kickbacks, sleazy business deals between manufacturers and physicians, and hugely inflated prices to payers.
That hasn’t slowed the market.
Another report (more specific to orthopedics) predicts total implant demand will rise “9.8 percent annually to $23 billion in 2012. The four major product segments — reconstructive joint replacements, spinal implants, orthobiologics and trauma implants — will all provide strong growth opportunities.”
But the big growth will come from spine. According to an excerpt from the report,
“Spinal implants will show strong growth due to advances in product technologies and related surgical techniques, coupled with an increasing prevalence of chronic back conditions. Fixation devices and artificial discs used in spinal fusion and motion preservation surgeries, especially procedures for the repair of vertebrae and replacement of degenerative discs, will account for the largest share of the market and best growth opportunities.”[emphasis added]
What does this mean for you?
Higher costs with uncertain results.


Aug
14

Work comp medical expense is on the rise

I’ve been watching a disturbing trend in workers comp medical costs – they appear to be headed up. New information from California adds fuel to that fire.
The insurance rating board in California has recommended a premium increase of 17.8%, driven mostly by medical inflation – inflation that has caught regulators somewhat by surprise. According to an article in WorkCompCentral (sub req):
“new medical data from 2006 and 2007 convinced the board that an even bigger increase is necessary. The rating bureau says the rate must jump by 10.8% just to cover rising medical costs.
[California Work Comp Insurance Rating Board Communications Director Jack] Hannan said the governing board, in its last two filing recommendations, adjusted pure premium rate recommendations based on an assumption of 1% medical inflation. He said the board believes the inflation trend in medical costs is actually closer to an increase of 5% per year. [emphasis added]
Hannan could not say specifically what area of medicine is spurring the rise in costs, but he said the bureau hopes to have a breakdown by the time the Insurance Department holds hearings on the rate recommendation in September.”
I’ll take an educated guess. Facility costs, with a big push from surgical implants, and a smaller contribution from drug pricing.
After a year of essentially little to no increase in drug pricing, manufacturers raised prices for a relatively small number of brand drugs – few of which are commonly (or ever) used in work comp. But that was a year ago, and manufacturers, stung by flat utilization, are going to have to get top-line growth from somewhere. If they can’t sell more drugs, they’ll have to increase pricing on the pills they do sell.
What does this mean for you?
Nothing good.